VISION 2016: PRINCIPLES AND RECOMMENDATIONS.( By Somali government Conference)

VISION 2016: PRINCIPLES AND RECOMMENDATIONS.

                  Sept.2-6-2013-Mogadishu Somalia.

Preamble:

The Vision 2016 Conference (hereinafter referred to as "the Conference") was convened by the

President of the Federal Republic of Somalia, His Excellency, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud in

Mogadishu from 2-6 September 2013 in which His Excellency called for the first of many national dialogues on the transition towards democratic legitimacy.

The conference delegates deliberated the following thematic issues

·   Constitutional Development: Review, oversight, and implementation ·   Options on Models of Federalism

·   Reform and Good Governance

·   The Electoral Process and Party Politics

·   Political Outreach, Public Engagement, Reconciliation, and Transitional Justice

The objective of the Conference was to advance the political process and to solicit the opinions of
the Somali people including members of parliament, regional authorities, civil society groups and
experts, as well as members of the diaspora to ensure the constitutional review and implementation
process, together with the process of transitioning to democratic legitimacy, is Somali-owned.

The Conference was officially opened by the President of the Federal Republic of Somalia, His
Excellency, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud who welcomed the conference delegates, thanked them for
responding to his Excellency's call for national dialogue on political processes and requested them
to offer concrete proposals and recommendations that can be translated into policies that will
contribute towards the review and implementation of the Provisional Constitution, the transition to
democratic legitimacy, and the finalization of the Constitution by way of referendum.

The Conference recognized that the road map laid out in the Provisional Constitution provides concrete steps towards these objectives.

The Conference recalls the priorities outlined in the New Deal Compact for Somalia, which include advancing inclusive political dialogue, finalizing and adopting the Federal Constitution by
December 2015, and preparing for and holding credible elections by 2016.

The Conference expressed concern that the government is behind on important political milestones. The Conference acknowledges that there are some areas of textual ambiguity in the Provisional Constitution that need to reviewed and revised.

The Conference, therefore, adopts the following core principles:

·   A Somali-owned, inclusive, and transparent political process, led by the Somali Federal
      Government and consistent with the Provisional Constitution.

·   A rigorous, spirited review process of the Provisional Constitution gaining public legitimacy
      through a referendum.

·   A federal political system that brings government closer to the people, and safeguards unity
      and stability.

·   Free and fair electoral processes based on one person, one vote.

·   A commitment to, and the promotion of, integrity and good governance.

·   A comprehensive reconciliation process that brings about national cohesion and integration.

1

Recommendations

1. Priorities for review and Implementation of the Constitution

The Conference agrees:

·   There is a sense of urgency in the review and implementation of the Provisional Constitution.
      

The Conference therefore recommends:

·The establishment of the constitutionally mandated Constitution Review and
      Implementation Commission within 60 days.

·   The establishment of the constitutionally mandated Constitutional Court within 90 days. ·   The establishment of all other institutions necessary to review and implement the
      Constitution within 90 days.

·   That the government ensures the independence, integrity, and credibility of the
      constitutionally mandated commissions.

·   That the government, in establishing these commissions, shall appoint commissioners with
      competence, integrity, and diversity.

·   That the government develop a communication strategy on the constitutional process and
      launches a comprehensive civic education campaign.

·   That the government ensures the process to be participatory, involving civil society, and
      owned by the Somali people.

2. Models of Federalism and Resource Sharing

The Conference agrees:

·   That a federal system shall bring government closer to the people. The Conference therefore recommends:

·   That the government shall establish the Boundaries and Federations Commission as directed
      by the Provisional Constitution within 60 days.

·   That Federal units shall be based on economic viability, demographic diversity, and

geographic integrity in line with the framework of the Provisional Constitution.

·   That the Somali Federal Government should take leadership of the process and launch a
      civic education campaign.

3. The Electoral Process and Party Politics

The Conference agrees:

·   That the government shall create an enabling environment for multi-party politics. The Conference therefore recommends:

·   That the government should establish the Independent Electoral Commission within 6
      months.

·   That the Political Party Law shall be passed within one year.

·   That the government shall launch civic education on the electoral process.

2

·   That political parties shall have a national character, and shall not be based on clan, hate
      and/or violent extremism.

·   That the House of the People shall pass laws regulating campaign financing based on
      accountability and transparency.

·   That  the international community shall provide technical, political and financial support to
      the proposed electoral processes.

·   That contingency plans shall be agreed upon if one person one vote elections are not
      possible in 2016.

4. Reform and Good Governance

The Conference agrees:

·   That the government shall promote a culture of integrity, transparency, and accountability. The Conference therefore recommends:

·   The establishment of an Anti-Corruption Commission as directed by the Provisional
      Constitution within 90 days.

·   The establishment of a National Office of Ombudsman as directed by the Provisional
      Constitution within 90 days.

·   The establishment of a National Human Rights Commission within 90 days.

·   The establishment of a National Civil Service Commission within six months.

·   The establishment of a National Archive to serve as a repository of information for
      government documentation within one year.

5. Political Outreach, Public Engagement, Reconciliation and Transitional Justice

The Conference agrees:

·   That the government shall initiate a comprehensive reconciliation process that brings about
      national cohesion and integration.

The Conference therefore recommends:

·   That the government shall engage in a dialogue with opposition groups.

·   That the government shall reach out to, and open a constructive dialogue with regional
      administrations.

·   That the government shall continue talks with Somaliland.

·   That the government shall work towards empowering traditional elders in their role as
      peacemakers.

·   That the government shall institutionalize gender equality and the representation of
      minorities in all government institutions.

·   That the government shall establish a Truth and Reconciliation Commission, as stipulated in
      the Provisional Constitution, within six months.

·   That the government shall establish a Land and Property Commission within six months.

Finally the conference agrees:

·   That the government shall produce a comprehensive and realistic work plan for the
      implementation of the above recommendations within 30 days.

3

·   That the House of the People shall hold the government accountable to the implementation
      of the work plan.

Adopted in Mogadishu on Friday - (06/09/2013)

#Somalia: The Addis-Abeba Agreement: The Beginning of a Co...

#Somalia: The Addis-Abeba Agreement: The Beginning of a Co...: Introduction:         For a very long time everybody who is involved with Somali issues( including the US, EU, UK, Turkey, Arab nati...

The Addis-Abeba Agreement: The Beginning of a Confederate Somalia.(Part.1)

Introduction:

        For a very long time everybody who is involved with Somali issues( including the US, EU, UK, Turkey, Arab nations)the international community was wondering if the southern Regions of Somalia called  Jubbaland or Jubba regions( Gedo,middle Jubba, South Jubba)  will (ever)settle and get Peace? Who will succeed in the Zero-Sum-Game to control the sovereignty, Institutions and National Resources like OIL and GAS of those regions of Somalia? The Somali National federal government or the Triad of Ethiopia-IGAD countries-UGANDA who have Armies in Kismayo,Jubba  regions of Somalia?

        For me and this following analysis the Clans who won and the others who lost within the contest of Leader-Making and institutions-making is not part of my argument. Why in the agreement the so-called Clan- Community- are made a “musical chair play” by making some Clans “ more equal than others”, with some Clans “more powerful” thanks to their alliance, closeness to the Tigre Regime of Ethiopia and IGAD countries Agenda to subdivide Somalia in a sovereign Confederation of Clan-Enclaves.

        Here I will try to analyze the articles of this agreement and its literal, legal and political interpretation as they are in the agreement signed in Addis-Ababa, Ethiopia. While taking some of articles of the agreement for a legal political/ analysis I will touch in the meantime on the different issue in the agreement vis-a- vis the Somali federal Constitution. On such issues like Security in the federal system, Laws regulating the financial management-taxation in general and regional state, Rule of law in the constitution and  in this agreement, federalism in general(What the Somali communities wont and the Ethiopia-IGAD-Uganda Agenda). What are the norms to be applied in the agreement in running the Trade, Land ownership including agriculture, Education, Health, Public utilities like water and electricity of the regions? What are the powers of the regional state Parliament? Who will legislate these powers? The federal government or will be made by this new authority? Who will allocate the quotas-members of the parliament for each Clan-community-constituency? What are the powers of the executive? Who will legislate it? Who will appoint the Judges and what will be the Organization of the Judiciary? What will be the laws to be administered like the Penal Code, Civil Code, administrative Laws etc. of the Somali Federal Republic or we are going to have a Salafi interpretation as a Legal system? At the end I will try to answer were we are going if this agreement is implemented as its now on the issues of Institution- Building for regional states in a devolved federal system.

The Preamble of the Agreement:

        I will not comment/analyze each one of the preamble paragraphs but the most important without quoting them another time.

The Jubba delegation mentioned in this paragraph was only made up of the Ras-Kamboni Clan-Militia groups who are the self-declared rulers of Kismayo-Lower Jubba region, from the middle last year thanks to their Close alliance with Ethiopia and Amisom Armies with which they fought against Al-Shabaab. Therefore from the beginning the talks were biased and not representative of all the Clans- communities of the three Regions (Lower Jubba, Middle Jubba and Gedo region). Secondly the Somali federal government cannot be part of any agreement in which Somali Clan- communities are involved as they were from different nationalities of different countries in a third country. If the issue is reconciliation, Institution-making it must be made on Somali national territory with mediation made by Somali elders from every Clan-community and the Somali state which is the sole sovereign representative of these communities.

        The principles of this meeting were those in the Communiqué of the meeting of IGAD heads of state adopted at its extraordinary summit on 24^th May 2013 held in Addis-Abeba,Ethiopia.From here we can see how the Tigre-Ethiopian Ruling elites see Somali issues: different nationalities which needs to be mediated  but not as we see ourselves as One Somali Community. The first of the principles is “Leadership of the government of the Republic of Somalia in the process”. As I wrote before in my comment analysis of the Kampala Communiqué I wonder Why the Somalis have to be ”given” the authority to lead the affairs of their own Country? Why not say “ownership” of the process? This means the so-called Somali federal government has accepted other regional sovereign powers to “dictate” to it their “political agenda “without the Consent of Somali Parliament and the Somali people-citizens. The second of the principles is “Respect of the Provisional constitution of the federal Republic of Somalia”. Why “Respect” ?The Somali federal government is the only authority constitutionally in charge of the implementation and enforcement of all Somali laws including the Somali  provisional constitution. Why not write as principle” Abide to the Somali Laws and federal organs’ of the provisional Constitution”? The other controversial principle is written as” All inclusive consultative process with the Peoples’ of Somalia”. We can see the real Agenda of the Ethiopians which are to divide the Somalis in different “Somali peoples” as they were from different nationalities with different Ethnic groups, Religion and Culture. Somalis are one “People” as is also stated in the Provisional Federal Constitution (art .1) and also One Ethnic group with one Religion Islam and One Somali culture. The Somali federal government by accepting this “False statements” on our Nationality is contravening the Pillars of the Somali federal Constitution and being made party to conspiracies to subdivide the Somali people-citizens in different Nationalities by making every Clan-Communities a New Ethnic group therefore to bring in the concept of “Self-determination of Peoples” in International Law sanctioned by the United Nations Charter. In that way the different Somali clan-communities living in different regions in the future can request for “secession” from the Republic of Somalia by being a different People- Nationality.  The last of the so-called principles is” fighting Al-Shabaab as the primary Focus of the Somali federal government, regional an international partners”. It’s almost a joke. The Somali federal government cannot have one focus and must have multiple agendas which the fight against Al-shabaab is one of the majors but not the only one. There is the issue of Nation-Institution-Building, fight against corruption and mismanagement, fight against cultural and religious extremism, Reconciliation and transitional justice, Institution building of the federal institutions like Army, Police, Intelligence, the economy, remaking of all Somali Laws, etc. For IGAD bringing this silly paragraph is to cover up the real issues facing our Somali Nation-State and in the meantime make the Agenda of the Jubba Regional State only to fight Al-Shabaab . In that way the agreement will not cover the real issues which we will see in the next pages.

(To be continued)

Why there is Endemic Sexual Violence in Somalia.

The Somali Elites Ruling Somalia must be ashamed of how  things are when it came to endemic Sexual violence. This violence stems first from the culture of Impunity( which till now has not been addressed in a  transitional justice Courts ) of the civil wars of 1991-2009 in which Clan-warlords allied to Ethiopia and Salafist-Warlords,Organized Salafist groups used young Somali men to kill and rape in the name of Clans conquest and Religious extremism. That criminal culture to Rape Women has became almost part of the young men upbringing woven together  with the extremist concept of women and the week are dispensable part of society. Those former Militia,young/Old men trained in Madrases on that misguided cultural beliefs are the officers of the Army,Police,Intelligence services and sometimes Salafist officers, Judges of the Somali Courts.Secondly the so-called Ruling business Elites/Cartels which is Salafist itself  do not like the participation of women in Society and in civil-political spheres.Therefore women must always feel in danger unless they stay at home and follow their misguided ideologies. Its part of the repressive culture brought by the Civil wars and the Salafist culture/Agenda in Somalia.Third is the issue of the State and its political officers,civil servants and its Institutions not seeing this as a National priority which must be brought in the front line issues like fighting Al-Shabaab,Corruption and National Institution Building.But all this institutions and officers cannot do anything unless from the pulpit of our Mosques there is campaign to fight against this rapist culture and the Sheiks( be the Sunni-Sufi Sunna al-Jameeca and the Sunni- Salafist) start strongly to Stand for the rights of women to participate freely in civil political affairs of society and the State and have a true Justice by stopping the Culture of Impunity. Wait and see.

 

Amnesty: Sexual Violence Endemic in Somalia

http://www.hiiraan.com/news4/201...

Amnesty International said two decades of conflict have allowed sexual violence to become endemic in Somalia. The human rights group says most victims don’t report the attacks to authorities, fearing stigma.

#Somalia: Kampala Communiqué: Sell out of Somali National So...

#Somalia: Kampala Communiqué: Sell out of Somali National So...: Kampala Communiqué: Sell out of Somali National Sovereignty and self-government. (Part 1)         Here I will make a legal, politi...

Kampala Communiqué: Sell out of Somali National Sovereignty and self-government.(Part 1&2&3).

Kampala Communiqué: Sell out of Somali National Sovereignty and self-government. (Part 1)

        Here I will make a legal, political analysis of the last Kampala Communiqué and its consequences on Somali Sovereignty (including the powers exercised by officers representing the Government), Unity and territorial integrity of the Somali federal Republic. First I will make a literal legal/political interpretation of the articles of the Communiqué/Memorandum of Understanding signed by the Somali government and heads of states and governments of the new Supranational Entity called” Troops Contributing Countries (TCCs)” which from now on will be “stakeholders”( not partners) with IGAD, Amisom on the future and destiny of the Somali Clan-Communities/People-citizens represented by the Somali government. The meeting was in Kampala, 4/ August 2013 and called “Towards a harmonized approach by “the Stakeholders” in Building a Peaceful Somalia”.

        I will take the most controversial articles  at first  and at end make a wrap up of the totality of the articles of “new accord of Kampala” specially what” The Summit Agreed”:

At article 15 “Decided”,” in accordance with the Provisional Federal Constitution of Somalia, that the control of the Kismayo seaport and airport should be handed over to the federal Government of Somalia”. My question is first which authority was controlling these essential infrastructures of the Somali state? Secondly who gave this Supranational Authority called TCCs to tell the Somali government what to do or not do about their National infrastructures? When  and where the Somali Council of Ministers,  Somali parliament have endorsed a Law making Somalia member to this new grouping made up of the Countries contributing troops to Somalia and decide for Somalia government  policies? This troops stationed in Somalia are sanctioned by a UN security Council resolutions  after the request of another supranational Authority called IGAD which Somalia is  member by an international agreement signed by the  Regime  of Siad barre. But the request has been   made under the African Union which is the continental representative and recognized by the UN. In other words these Troops are in Somalia under a UN mandate. In their mandate they do not have any authority (political/administrative) on Somali national infrastructures. Their mandate is to fight the Extremist group Al-Shabaab and assist the Somali government in the security and assist in reestablishing their own institutions be security forces or administrations with the utmost respect for the Sovereignty and Unity/territorial integrity of the Republic of Somalia. That the Amisom forces took under their control a Somali seaport and Airport without the consent and approval of the Somali state is in contravention of their Mandate and now a new Authority not sanctioned by the UN  Security Council “Deciding” on the Control of Somali National infrastructures in Kismayo  is in Contravention of the UN Mandate for AMISOM. Here I would like to bring to the attention of the Somali-People that their government is becoming part in a deception plan   “giving authority” to a Supranational Authority called TCCs in deciding on the fate of Somali national infrastructures. In the same time “recognizing” indirectly the Illegal  control  of the Somali National Infrastructures by AMISOM forces in Kismayo. The Somali government is “sole representative” of Somali-people-citizens and has the Will as a Sovereign power on all Somali Territory even when they do not have an “effective military power over it”. In other words the Somali government is the “sole legitimate and legal power” in Somalia recognized Under International Law and is mandated by the provisional Constitution and they do not need any agreement with foreign authorities in administrating directly its own national infrastructures. This foreign powers (AMISOM) are under the mandate of UN Security Council and are there” only with the consent” of the “Sovereign” Somali government and with UN Mandate. The Somali government legally is the” sole Authority” in charge of the port of Kismayo. “De facto” is run by Armies under the mandate of Amisom but they are there under their “Sovereign consent”. Why the Somali governments have to beg and be decided upon on a territory and infrastructures which the Somali government represents? It could be for two  reasons: (1) If the Somalis officers representing the government  are inept and incompetent in not knowing their role as representative of Somali sovereignty and the National /public interests of Somalia or(2)  They are corrupt and doing treasonable acts which are not sanctioned by the Somali constitution and the programs  of the Government.

(To be continued.Part1) 

Part ( 2)

   At article ( 16) they agreed that” Stressed that in line with UN Security Council Resolutions; the ban on the exportation of Charcoal should be adhered to”. First let me explain that there was going an illegal export of charcoal from the Port of Kismayo when the place was under the extremist group Al-Shabaab. When the Amisom forces took control of the security of Kismayo town the illegal export went on as usual and still the profits are divided between The Ras kamboni Militia, (Salafist) business individuals and Al-Shabaab as have been reported by the UN Monitoring group on Somalia and Eritrea mandate by the Security Council.. Here in this article there is not any mention at all of this criminal/terrorist financing activities going on at the port but to adhere to the UN ban on Charcoal. Unfortunaly for the Somali people-citizens their government has abdicated their sovereignty and given the TCCs to deliberate on Somali sovereignty , governance  and territorial issues in contravention of Somali provisional Constitution. This issue is still hot in the media with the Kenyan government (which Armies under the banner of Amisom control Kismayo) reneging even on that distorted accord by saying through their representatives that ‘they will not give up the control of the port and seaport for the time being”. This will mean the Ras- Kamboni Militia allied to Amisom who is self-declared Rulers of Kismayo will continue the Illegal export of charcoal, dividing the profits from the export with Al-Shabaab and the (Salafist) business cartels that represent the interests of Al-Shabaab in Kismayo town. All in contravention of Somali national Laws, directives of Somali government and the UN ban on the illegal export of charcoal from Kismayo.

At art.17 they agreed “Decided that all Militias should be integrated into the Somalia National security forces except those associated with Al-Shabaab which should be isolated”. Let me explain that in Kismayo and Jubbaland regions there are different militias with different “vested interests”, who vow allegiance to different clan- communities and foreign powers plus rag-tag soldiers purporting to represent the Somali government, and some of them trained, allied to Ethiopia and Kenya. In this kaleidoscope of Militias and “vested interests” which all fought against Al-shabaab in guerilla warfare, who can say some of them are sympathizers to Al-Shabaab and isolated? Which criteria will be used and how we can discriminate against some and take others? My conclusion is by being the Ethiopian Chiefs of Staff being involved in the “operational decisions” of Amisom Military Operations Coordination committee (MOCC) as agreed in art.33,the clans-Communities which have refused and rebelled against the self-declared Authority of Ras-Kamboni in Kismayo  supported by Ethiopia and Kenya will be “identified” as sympathizers of Al-Shabaab and isolated from joining the “would be Somali Army”. The government of Somalia has abdicated its sovereignty totally to the point that who is going to be a National Army Soldier is decided in Ethiopia, Uganda, Kenya Chiefs of Army Staffs decision-making and not “sole prerogative’ of  Somali National Army Commander , government and parliament, according to TCCs Communiqué.

(To be continued)

Part. (3)         At art. (18) the summit agreed:”Emphasized the imperative of continued African Leadership and the need for Amisom to sustain and strengthen its efforts to stabilize Somalia and reduce the threat of Al-Shabaab”. In the Wikipedia encyclopedia the word “imperative” means as adjective: expressing a command, directive. As noun means: an essential action, a must. In this article the “continued African leadership” is a “must” and a “directive” for the Somali government. Why the leaders of the troops contributing countries (TCCs) and (IGAD) would like to subordinate their policies as “must” and “directive” to the Sovereign Somali government? From 2004 at the first conference to reestablish the “Somali failed state” in Nairobi the “African” leadership was exercised by the Ethiopians via a group of Somali leaders nominated by them and from 2006 the Ethiopian-Tigre Armies were inside Somalia with the tacit approval of the international Community, African Union to fight the Union of Islamic courts in which Al-Shabaab was the main group. The Ethiopians which were involved with Somali internal politics from the 80” through the support and arming of clan-based opposition groups, like the Salafist Al-ittixad political movement which is the great-grand-father of Al-Shabaab, have had their policies of divide and Rule of Somali clans-Communities and the establishment of Clan-Communities so-called regional states rejected first by Somali communities and secondly by the new regime of President Hassan Sheik when it came to power in 2012. Meanwhile the US and UK-EU where made to believe that Amisom in Somalia as peacekeeping forces mandated by UN( read UGANDA) was doing a great job in the fight against Al-Shabaab therefore acquired lot of political capital with the Somalis in general and the Ruling elites of Mogadishu. In reality from 2009 the Salafist Business Cartels of south-central regions -which controls all the Economic activities of the country- made a deal with the Ruling Tigre regime of Ethiopia that they will cut their financing of Al-Shabaab to degrade their military power and be part of the project by Ethiopia to subdivide Somalia in Clan-enclaves. Each with its own sovereignty and the Salafist Business cartels will control as now all economic spheres and will share the ownership of future ownership of Oil and Gas companies in those region-states like Somaliland,Puntland,Jubbaland,Benadirland, Galmudugland,Baybakolland.  But still some of the Business cartels are still financing Al-Shabaab and they have also their own international networks. We can see that all this time the Ethiopians-IGAD and the Ugandans later were having almost total control of governance in Somalia (including Puntland and Somaliland) and the latest foray/ interventions in Somali politics and also humanitarian, international relations of countries like Turkey, Qatar, UK, Saudi Arabia and in a major way the US administration recognition of Somalia as One State, have disturbed and made nervous the Ethiopian-IGAD-TCCS regimes and their Hegemonic Agenda for Somalia. This is the rationale for emphasizing and “directing” as “Must” an African leadership in Somali governance sovereign issues. In that way the brotherly nations of Turkey, all Arab nations to whom Somalia is part and parcel and Muslim world with UK and US will be denied to assist and help the Somalis to regain/control their own Sovereignty and be “owners of their own National Resources”. The Agenda to subdivide Somalia in Clan-Enclaves called all Lands with sovereignty is linked to the issues of OIL and Gas. The regime of Siad Barre has for the last time 1989 re-signed old agreements of OIL and Gas with big American companies which own most of the “concessional rights” all over the Somali Republic. To change those “concessional Oil and Gas rights” Somalia must be subdivided in at least five/or six sovereign Regional states. The continued African leadership has the Agenda to subdivide Somalia and is sponsored by countries like France, China, Russia and Italy.

   

#Somalia: Kampala Communiqué: Sell out of Somali National So...

#Somalia: Kampala Communiqué: Sell out of Somali National So...: Kampala Communiqué: Sell out of Somali National Sovereignty and self-government. (Part 1)         Here I will make a legal, political ...

Kampala Communiqué: Sell out of Somali National Sovereignty and self-government.(Part 1&2)

Kampala Communiqué: Sell out of Somali National Sovereignty and self-government. (Part 1)

        Here I will make a legal, political analysis of the last Kampala Communiqué and its consequences on Somali Sovereignty (including the powers exercised by officers representing the Government), Unity and territorial integrity of the Somali federal Republic. First I will make a literal legal/political interpretation of the articles of the Communiqué/Memorandum of Understanding signed by the Somali government and heads of states and governments of the new Supranational Entity called” Troops Contributing Countries (TCCs)” which from now on will be “stakeholders”( not partners) with IGAD, Amisom on the future and destiny of the Somali Clan-Communities/People-citizens represented by the Somali government. The meeting was in Kampala, 4/ August 2013 and called “Towards a harmonized approach by “the Stakeholders” in Building a Peaceful Somalia”.

        I will take the most controversial articles  at first  and at end make a wrap up of the totality of the articles of “new accord of Kampala” specially what” The Summit Agreed”:

At article 15 “Decided”,” in accordance with the Provisional Federal Constitution of Somalia, that the control of the Kismayo seaport and airport should be handed over to the federal Government of Somalia”. My question is first which authority was controlling these essential infrastructures of the Somali state? Secondly who gave this Supranational Authority called TCCs to tell the Somali government what to do or not do about their National infrastructures? When  and where the Somali Council of Ministers,  Somali parliament have endorsed a Law making Somalia member to this new grouping made up of the Countries contributing troops to Somalia and decide for Somalia government  policies? This troops stationed in Somalia are sanctioned by a UN security Council resolutions  after the request of another supranational Authority called IGAD which Somalia is  member by an international agreement signed by the  Regime  of Siad barre. But the request has been   made under the African Union which is the continental representative and recognized by the UN. In other words these Troops are in Somalia under a UN mandate. In their mandate they do not have any authority (political/administrative) on Somali national infrastructures. Their mandate is to fight the Extremist group Al-Shabaab and assist the Somali government in the security and assist in reestablishing their own institutions be security forces or administrations with the utmost respect for the Sovereignty and Unity/territorial integrity of the Republic of Somalia. That the Amisom forces took under their control a Somali seaport and Airport without the consent and approval of the Somali state is in contravention of their Mandate and now a new Authority not sanctioned by the UN  Security Council “Deciding” on the Control of Somali National infrastructures in Kismayo  is in Contravention of the UN Mandate for AMISOM. Here I would like to bring to the attention of the Somali-People that their government is becoming part in a deception plan   “giving authority” to a Supranational Authority called TCCs in deciding on the fate of Somali national infrastructures. In the same time “recognizing” indirectly the Illegal  control  of the Somali National Infrastructures by AMISOM forces in KIsmayo. The Somali government is “sole representative” of Somali-people-citizens and has the Will as a Sovereign power on all Somali Territory even when they do not have an “effective military power over it”. In other words the Somali government is the “sole legitimate and legal power” in Somalia recognized Under International Law and is mandated by the provisional Constitution and they do not need any agreement with foreign authorities in administrating directly its own national infrastructures. This foreign powers (AMISOM) are under the mandate of UN Security Council and are there” only with the consent” of the “Sovereign” Somali government and with UN Mandate. The Somali government legally is the” sole Authority” in charge of the port of Kismayo. “De facto” is run by Armies under the mandate of Amisom but they are there under their “Sovereign consent”. Why the Somali governments have to beg and be decided upon on a territory and infrastructures which the Somali government represents? It could be for two  reasons: (1) If the Somalis officers representing the government  are inept and incompetent in not knowing their role as representative of Somali sovereignty and the National /public interests of Somalia or(2)  They are corrupt and doing treasonable acts which are not sanctioned by the Somali constitution and the programs  of the Government.

(To be continued.Part1) 

Part ( 2)

   At article( 16) they agreed that” Stressed that in line with UN Security Council Resolutions; the ban on the exportation of Charcoal should be adhered to”. First let me explain that there was going an illegal export of charcoal from the Port of Kismayo when the place was under the extremist group Al-Shabaab. When the Amisom forces took control of the security of Kismayo town the illegal export went on as usual and still the profits are divided between The Ras kamboni Militia, (Salafist) business individuals and Al-Shabaab as have been reported by the UN Monitoring group on Somalia and Eritrea mandate by the Security Council.. Here in this article there is not any mention at all of this criminal/terrorist financing activities going on at the port but to adhere to the UN ban on Charcoal. Unfortunaly for the Somali people-citizens their government has abdicated their sovereignty and given the TCCs to deliberate on Somali sovereignty , governance  and territorial issues in contravention of Somali provisional Constitution. This issue is still hot in the media with the Kenyan government( which Armies under  the banner of Amisom control Kiemayo) reneging even on that distorted accord by saying through their representatives that ‘they will not give up the control of the port and seaport for the time being”. This will mean the Ras- Kamboni Militia allied to Amisom who is self-declared Rulers of Kismayo will continue the Illegal export of charcoal, dividing the profits from the export with Al-shabaab and the (Salafist) business cartels that represent the interests of Al-Shabaab in Kismayo town. All in contravention of Somali national Laws, directives of Somali government and the UN ban on the illegal export of charcoal from Kismayo.

At art.17 they agreed “Decided that all Militias should be integrated into the Somalia National security forces except those associated with Al-Shabaab which should be isolated”. Let me explain that in Kismayo and Jubbaland regions there are different militias with different “vested interests”, who vow allegiance to different clan- communities and foreign powers plus rag-tag soldiers purporting to represent the Somali government, and some of them trained, allied to Ethiopia and Kenya. In this kaleidoscope of Militias and “vested interests” which all fought against Al-shabaab in guerilla warfare, who can say some of them are sympathizers to Al-Shabaab and isolated? Which criteria will be used and how we can discriminate against some and take others? My conclusion is by being the Ethiopian Chiefs of Staff being involved in the “operational decisions” of Amisom Military Operations Coordination committee (MOCC) as agreed in art.33,the clans-Communities which have refused and rebelled against the self-declared Authority of Ras-Kamboni in Kismayo  supported by Ethiopia and Kenya will be “identified” as sympathizers of Al-Shabaab and isolated from joining the “would be Somali Army”. The government of Somalia has abdicated its sovereignty totally to the point that who is going to be a National Army Soldier is decided in Ethiopia, Uganda, Kenya Chiefs of Army Staffs decision-making and not “sole prerogative’ of  Somali National Army Commander , government and parliament, according to TCCs Communiqué.

(To be continued)

#Somalia: Kampala Communique :Sell-out of Somali National So...

#Somalia: Kampala Communique :Sell-out of Somali National So...: Kampala Communiqué: Sell out of Somali National Sovereignty and self-government. (Part 1)         Here I will make a legal, political ...

Kampala Communique :Sell-out of Somali National Sovereignty and self-governmnet.(Part1).

Kampala Communiqué: Sell out of Somali National Sovereignty and self-government. (Part 1)

        Here I will make a legal, political analysis of the last Kampala Communiqué and its consequences on Somali Sovereignty (including the powers exercised by officers representing the Government), Unity and territorial integrity of the Somali federal Republic. First I will make a literal legal/political interpretation of the articles of the Communiqué/Memorandum of Understanding signed by the Somali government and heads of states and governments of the new Supranational Entity called” Troops Contributing Countries (TCCs)” which from now on will be “stakeholders”( not partners) with IGAD, Amisom on the future and destiny of the Somali Clan-Communities/People-citizens,National territory,Unity  represented by the Somali government. The meeting was in Kampala, 4/ August 2013 and called “Towards a harmonized approach by “the Stakeholders” in Building a Peaceful Somalia”.

        I will take the most controversial articles  at first  and at end make a wrap up of the totality of the articles of “new accord of Kampala” specially what” The Summit Agreed”:

At article 15 “Decided”,” in accordance with the Provisional Federal Constitution of Somalia, that the control of the Kismayo seaport and airport should be handed over to the federal Government of Somalia”. My question is first which authority was controlling these essential infrastructures of the Somali state? Secondly who gave this Supranational Authority called TCCs to tell the Somali government what to do or not do about their National infrastructures? When  and where the Somali Council of Ministers,  Somali parliament have endorsed a Law making Somalia member to this new grouping made up of the Countries contributing troops to Somalia and decide for Somalia government  policies? This troops stationed in Somalia are sanctioned by a UN security Council resolutions  after the request of another supranational Authority called IGAD which Somalia is  member by an international agreement signed by the  Regime  of Siad barre. But the request has been   made under the African Union which is the continental representative and recognized by the UN. In other words these Troops are in Somalia under a UN mandate. In their mandate they do not have any authority (political/administrative) on Somali national infrastructures. Their mandate is to fight the Extremist group Al-Shabaab and assist the Somali government in the security and assist in reestablishing their own institutions be security forces or administrations with the utmost respect for the Sovereignty and Unity/territorial integrity of the Republic of Somalia. That the Amisom forces took under their control a Somali seaport and Airport without the consent and approval of the Somali state is in contravention of their Mandate and now a new Authority not sanctioned by the UN  Security Council “Deciding” on the Control of Somali National infrastructures in Kismayo  is in Contravention of the UN Mandate for AMISOM. Here I would like to bring to the attention of the Somali-People that their government is becoming part in a deception plan   “giving authority” to a Supranational Authority called TCCs in deciding on the fate of Somali national infrastructures. In the same time “recognizing” indirectly the Illegal  control  of the Somali National Infrastructures by AMISOM forces in Kismayo. The Somali government is “sole representative” of Somali-people-citizens and has the Will as a Sovereign power on all Somali Territory even when they do not have an “effective military power over it”. In other words the Somali government is the “sole legitimate and legal power” in Somalia recognized Under International Law and is mandated by the provisional Constitution and they do not need any agreement with foreign authorities in administrating directly its own national infrastructures. This foreign powers (AMISOM) are under the mandate of UN Security Council and are there” only with the consent” of the “Sovereign” Somali government and with UN Mandate. The Somali government legally is the” sole Authority” in charge of the port of Kismayo. “De facto” is run by Armies under the mandate of Amisom but they are there under their “Sovereign consent”. Why the Somali governments have to beg and be decided upon on a territory and infrastructures which the Somali government represents? It could be for two  reasons: (1) If the Somalis officers representing the government  are inept and incompetent in not knowing their role as representatives of Somali sovereignty and the National /public interests of Somalia or(2)  They are corrupt and doing treasonable acts which are not sanctioned by the Somali constitution and the programs  of the Government.

(To be continued.Part1)

#Somalia: The meaning of the "Treatening Edicts" of Puntland...

#Somalia: The meaning of the "Treatening Edicts" of Puntland...: I am sorry to say but MR. Farole do not  have any real knowledge of the Somali provisional constitution and he has not powers to amend ...

The meaning of the "Treatening Edicts" of Puntland Leader Mr.Farole.

I am sorry to say but MR. Farole do not  have any real knowledge of the Somali provisional constitution and he has not powers to amend it as he sees it.This " Threatening Edicts" he always says on the Media are totally worthless when we talk about the existence and  sovereignty under International Law of the  Somali Federal government. Let me say its cheap talk in other words he is always portraying the Somali republic as a Land inhibited by Clans and not people- citizens who can understand the Law and the meaning of the Unity of the Somali Republic in Law and the Unity of its people-citizens in Culture, Religion and Ancestry.If we talk only about the Law there is not any article which permits Mr. Farole to go to international meetings as "we were two different Republics" in one System. Going  at the meeting in Brussels on September( the Somali federal government and the region-state of Puntland) will mean there are two governments and "sovereignty" in Somalia.Nobody has tempered with the Law and have changed any article he just trying to look for "expedients" which are not existing.In Somalia there are different region states like Puntland which the Constitution explicitly mentions and accommodates but also the Constitutions says the Unity of Somalia is" inviolable and indivisible".The Somali federal government is for all and is a "sole" representative of the National and Public interest of all Somalia.For a very long time the Agenda of the Ethiopia-IGAD hegemonic group to make and think the Somalis through the" utterances" of their Leaders and Warlords that they are "different entities legally" and  is what Mr. Farole repeating all the time.The game plan of Farole and others like him is to have Somalia subdivided in five or six states which are under the umbrella of a Confederate system. He cannot tell to the Somalis that game plan  but uses the "story" that the real meaning of the Constitution is a Confederate System  which is not true.There are behind him OIL and Gas companies who would like to subdivide Somalia to get new "concessional rights" in Puntland and other regions.Just to give you an example last year Mr. Farole has hired a Lobby Company in the US to " change" the "concessional rights" of the "Conoco Philips company has got in HOLHOL area.To change and renew it under a new "concessional rights" issued by the region state of Puntland( under this constitution only the federal government has that right). Secondly by subdividing Somalia Farole is working for those who wont to Recolonize Somalia and make Somalia where the people speak Amhara and Swahili as national Languages and its people-communities made to live under so-called Vassal States controlled and subject to Ethiopia-IGAD group.On his last "utterance" he is trying to cover the internal crisis in Puntland in which the Communities have stopped his Agenda of a new dictatorship through a concocted election next month in that region of the Somali Republic.Wait and see.

allAfrica.com: Somalia: Puntland 'Suspends Cooperation' With Federal Government in Mogadishu

allafrica.com

allAfrica: African news and information for a global audience

 

In Defense Of Somali Territorial waters-from Somalitalk.com Pages.

In defense of Somali territorial waters-from Somalitalk.com pages

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Report of the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea pursuant to Security Council resolution 2060 (2012): Somalia
UN REPORTS: S/2013/413
12 July 2013
"Once Somalia adopts the EEZ under the UNCLOS regime, Somalia and Kenya would be required to initiate a separate process to negotiate a mutually acceptable maritime boundary. This would open the possibility of an adjustment of the maritime boundary from its perpendicular position towards a position following the line of latitude. Such a shift would effectively place some if not all of the disputed licenses mentioned above back into Kenyan waters. It is for this reason that on 8 October 2011 the Somali MPs voted down attempts to introduce an EEZ during the Roadmap process." UN Report, July 12, 2013.
Conflict between Somalia and Kenya over the maritime boundary
Somalia and Kenya have differing interpretations of their maritime boundary and associated offshore territorial rights. Currently, Somalia claims its maritime boundary with Kenya lies perpendicular to the coast, though this boundary is not enshrined in a mutually accepted agreement with Kenya, which envisages the maritime boundary as being defined by the line of latitude protruding from its boundary with Somalia.²⁵
Map of disputed offshore zone between Somalia and Kenya, including positions of Kenyan issued oil licenses.

The FGS has thus refused to recognise oil licenses granted to multinational companies by Kenya and which protrude into waters defined as Somali according to that perpendicular demarcation line. Oil multinational companies affected by the FGS opposition have included French oil company Total (Kenyan license L22), Italian major ENI (Kenyan licenses L21, L23 and L24), US oil firm Anadarko (Kenyan license L5) and Norway’s majority state-funded Statoil²⁶ (Kenyan license L26) (see again annex 5.5.k for a more detailed map of disputed oil licenses).
Corruption Risks
Conflicts of interest surrounding the adoption of an Exclusive Economic Zone for Somalia (EEZ).
Qodobadii uu shir guddoonku ka akhriyey Baarlamaanka October 8, 2011 kuma aysan jirin in badda Soomaaliya lagu soo koobayo 12 mayl-badeed oo Territorial Waters ah. Laakiin.... Since 1972, Somalia has claimed an extension of its territorial sea from 12 to 200 nautical miles. However, article 3 of the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) limits coastal States to claim a maximum territorial sea of 12 nautical miles from the coast. Although Somalia signed UNCLOS in 1982, there has been considerable confusion over whether Somalia’s national legislation has been harmonised to give recognition to the UNCLOS regime.²⁸ On 1 May 2013, however, President Hassan Sheikh issued a statement announcing that the FGS has identified a 1988 law which puts Somalia fully in compliance with UNCLOS, and which would allow Somalia to implement an Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), where territorial control would be limited to 12 nautical miles but where Somalia would continue to claim sovereign rights to explore, exploit, conserve and manage natural resources that exist within 200 nautical miles of its coast.
Once Somalia adopts the EEZ under the UNCLOS regime, Somalia and Kenya would be required to initiate a separate process to negotiate a mutually acceptable maritime boundary. This would open the possibility of an adjustment of the maritime boundary from its perpendicular position towards a position following the line of latitude.²⁹ Such a shift would effectively place some if not all of the disputed licenses mentioned above back into Kenyan waters. It is for this reason that on 8 October 2011 the Somali MPs voted down attempts to introduce an EEZ during the Roadmap process.³⁰
The Monitoring Group understands that Kenya suspended Norwegian oil company Statoil from block L26 in late 2012, as the company was unwilling to meet financial obligations of developing exploration activities in the block while legal uncertainty prevailed over the Kenyan-Somali maritime boundary.³¹ However, a Kenyan Government official has confirmed that Statoil has nevertheless expressed interest in returning to develop L26 should the maritime boundary dispute be resolved in favour of Kenya.³²
The Monitoring Group has obtained information of attempts by the Norwegian Government to influence Somali parliamentarians and other FGS officials to adopt the EEZ for Somalia, which, as explained above, would lead to a separate process of redrawing of the maritime boundary towards a line of latitude.
Norway has been involved in attempts to introduce the EEZ onto the parliamentary agenda since at least 2008, when former UN SRSG for Somalia Ahmedou Ould Abdallah initiated the preparation of preliminary information indicative of the outer limits of the continental shelf on Somalia. At the time this was conducted, Statoil had no commercial interest in Somalia.³³ However, efforts by Norway to lobby Somali officials to adopt the EEZ now coincide with current Norwegian interest in the fate of L26 as well as with Norwegian involvement in the application of a Special Financing Facility (SFF) donor fund of $30 million which has been allocated under the management of FGS officials with a track record of corruption (see annex 5.2 on page 154 of the S/2013/413 UN Reports). (Note: Annex 5.2: is about "Public financial mismanagement and corruption".)
Indeed, between 6 and 13 April 2013, two non-governmental organisations, the Oslo Center and the National Democratic Institute, hosted several Somali MPs, including the FGS speaker of parliament and Norwegian national, Mohamed Osman Jawari, on a Study Tour for the Federal Parliament of Somalia, in Oslo. The week-long programme included a briefing on the SFF by Norway’s Special Envoy to Somalia, Jens Mjuagedal, and Senior Advisor, Rina Kristmoen, as well as a briefing on Norwegian legal assistance to Somalia for the establishment of an internationally-recognized EEZ. Former Norwegian oil minister Einar Steensnaes also briefed on the issue of management of natural resources (see annex 5.5.l. for programme on page 170 of the UN S/2013/413 Report). (Note: Annex 5.5.l: is about "Programme of Study Tour of Somali MPs in Oslo 6 – 13 April 2013.")
In this way, Norway’s development assistance to Somalia may therefore be used as a cover for its commercial interests there. Norway’s Minister of International Development, Heikki Eidsvol Holmås has, however, publicly denied any link between Norway’s assistance to Somalia in establishing its continental shelf rights and any commercial oil interest.³⁴

• Source: Somalia report of the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea - http://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S/2013/413

NORWAY Response to UN Report
July 19, 2013 Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs responding to UN Monitoring Group Report said "Norway regrets claims by a UN report linking Norwegian development efforts to commercial interests in Somalia."
"Norway has for many years provided extensive assistance to Somalia both humanitarian, as well as to support efforts for peace and reconciliation and for reconstruction and development of a country who has suffered so much from hungers and wars. This has been a consistent policy aiming towards a more stable and peaceful Somalia, in which the Somali people may begin to enjoy security and hopes for a more prosperous future.

It is therefore with serious concern that we understand the Monitoring Group in its Report to the Security Council is conveying some conspiratory allegations, found on the internet, implying that Norwegian assistance to Somalia is a cover to promote the commercial interests of some Norwegian oil companies. This is both unfounded and untrue."
Adding "We are aware that the Norwegian oil company Statoil has showed some interest in possible future oil concessions in Kenya, but the Norwegian Government has always advised the company not to apply for such concessions in any areas where there may be a potential legal dispute, and when realizing that this was the case with the mentioned L26 block, Statoil decided not to get involved."MORE AT Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs Website.
AKHRI: Waa Maxay Faraqa u Dhexeeya Dhul-badeedka (Territorial Sea) iyo Aagga Dhaqaalaha (EEZ)?
__________
References:
25  Kenya claims that a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed with Somalia’s TFG in April 2009 set the border running east along the line of latitude. However, Somalia claims that the purpose of the MoU was not to demarcate the maritime boundary but rather to grant non-objection to Kenya’s May 2009 submission of claim? to the UN Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf to delineate the outer limits of Kenya’s continental shelf beyond the 200 nautical mile limit. (Each country’s claim requires proof of cooperation with its neighbors.) Since it was not ratified by the parliament, Somalia claimed that the MoU did not, in fact, have legal basis. Somalia’s parliament rejected this MoU in August 2009, claiming that Somalia was adhering to the appropriate requirements for delimitation of the continental shelf – not agreeing to a maritime boundary with Kenya. See Lesley Anne Warner, “East Africa’s Oil/Gas Rush Highlights Kenya- Somalia Maritime Border Dispute”, available at http://lesleyannewarner.wordpress.com/2012/07/21/east-africas-oilgas-rush-highlights-kenyasomalia-maritime-border-dispute/ . On the 6 June 2013, the Office of the Prime Minister in Somalia issued a statement saying that the council of ministers had decided that The Federal Government of Somalia does not consider it appropriate to open new discussions on maritime demarcation or limitations on the continental shelf with any parties.
26  Seehttp://www.statoil.com/annualreport2011/en/shareholderinformation/pages/majorshareholders.aspx for precise statistics on Norwegian government holdings in Statoil.
28  See Thilo Neumann and Tim Rene Salomon, “Fishing in Troubled Waters – Somalia’s Maritime Zones and the Case for Reinterpretation”, Insights, American Society of International Law, 15 March 2012.
29  According to a maritime lawyer interviewed by the Monitoring Group on 22 April 2013, should Somali MPs vote for an EEZ, the boundary would be identified through a process of negotiation between the Somali and Kenyan Governments under international mediation, and would likely shift from a perpendicular position towards a position of latitude, given previous precedent set in the East African region, particularly in relation to the Tanzanian-Kenyan maritime border.
30  Seehttp://www.garoweonline.com/artman2/publish/Somalia_27/Somalia_The_Roadmap_Gets_a_Tear_on_the_EEZ.shtml .
31  Kenyan Energy ministry Permanent Secretary, Patrick Nyoike was quoted in the financial press on 5 November 2012 as suggesting Statoil was relieved of L26 due to failing to honour a 3-D seismic development plan, seehttp://www.businessdailyafrica.com/Corporate-News/Kenya-expels-oil-giant-Statoil-from-exploration-plan-/-/539550/1612432/-/708r31z/-/index.html  . However, a Kenyan Government official interviewed in April 2013, said he had been informed that Statoil did not want to take the risk of developing L26 while the maritime boundary was still in legal dispute.
32  Interview , 12 May 2013.
33  See Norwegian Foreign Ministry website: http://www.regjeringen.no/en/dep/ud/press/news/2009/shelf_assistance.html?id=555771 .
L26 was negotiated in 2012, seehttp://www.trademarksa.org/news/norwegian-firm-statoil-joins-search-oil-kenya .
34  Seehttp://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/0/a6d5d1b6-bd9f-11e2-a735-00144feab7de.html .
###END###
Waa Maxay Faraqa u Dhexeeya Dhul-badeedka (Territorial Sea) iyo Aagga Dhaqaalaha (EEZ)?
REMEMBER: June 6, 2013: Somali Federal Government clarifies its position on territorial waters
The government’s position is Somali Law No. 37 on the Territorial Sea and Ports, signed on 10 September 1972, which defines Somali territorial sea as 200 nautical miles and continental shelf. On 24th July 1989 Somali ratified the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. Faahfaahin

Faafin: SomaliTalk.com |  July 21, 2013
Baarlamaanka Soomaaliya oo si kulul uga dooday Sharciga Cusub ee Kalluumaysiga iyo Xeerka Badda Soomaaliya ee Law No. 37

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Xildhibaanada ka hadlay xeerka badda Soomaaliya ee Law No. 37

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Ra'iisal Wasaaraha Soomaaliya oo ka Laabtay Go'aankii Sharciga Badda ee ay Gaareen June 6, 2013?

June 15, 2013: Ra’iisul Wasaare Shirdoon oo xiiskiisa ku qaabilay R.Wasaarihii hore ee Norway

Ra'iisul Wasaare Shirdoon: Baarlamaanka ha la Weydiiyo in Dastuurka Qaranka lagu daro Xeerka Badda Soomaaliyeed ee Law No. 37

Wareegtadii Ra'iisul Wasaare Cumar C/rashiid ku wargeliyey QM in baarlamaanka Soomaaliya diideen MOU-gii badda

Jariidadda Standard oo soo Bandhigtay Caddaynta Saxiixii Labada Wasiir (Fowsiya & Aamina), kuna tilmaantay MoU ay kala saxiixdeen labada wasiir ee Arrimaha Dibadda

Xukuumada Federaaliga ah ee Soomaaliya waxay aqoonsan tahay sharciga qaran ee badaha Law No. 37. ee qeexaya dhererka xadka badda “territorial water” ee gaaraya 200 mayl-badeed iyo continental shelf . Waxay dawlada Soomaaliya ogolaatay xeerka badaha aduunka ee ay wax ka saxiixday 24kii Luuliyo 1989 ayadoo aan ka tanaasulin sharciga qaran.akhri....

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#Somalia: Somalia Republic and “Somaliland” regional authori...

#Somalia: Somalia Republic and “Somaliland” regional authori...: Introduction        From the last months of the former transitional government of President Sherif (2009-2012) there was meeti...

#Somalia: Somalia Republic and “Somaliland” regional authori...

#Somalia: Somalia Republic and “Somaliland” regional authori...: Introduction        From the last months of the former transitional government of President Sherif (2009-2012) there was meeti...